HE 
2763 

1855 


PACIFIC   RAILROAD 


SPEECH 


Seocr^ 


»N.  JAS.  A.  M'DOUGALL,  OF  CAL, 


DELIVERED 


IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  JANUARY  16,  1855. 


The  House  being;  in  the  Committee  of  the  Whole 
m  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  Mr.  BENTON  having 
Concluded  his  remarks — 

Mr.  McDOUGALL  said: 

Mr.  CHAIRMAN:   I  entertain   for  the  venerable 
jentleman  from   Missouri   great    respect — great 
espect  as  a  feature  in  our  history;  but  as  a  mem 
)er  of  this  body,  upon  this  floor,  acting,  and  seek- 
ngto  influence  action  on  a  great  public  question, 

cannot  regard  him  as  entitled  to  any  greater  or 
ligher  deference  or  consideration  than  any  one  of 
he  honorable  gentlemen  before  me,  and  I  shall, 
herefore,  undertake  to  discuss  freely  the  gentle- 
nan's  present  position,  and  to  exhibit  fully  his 
rue  relation  to  the  subject  now  under  considera- 
ion. 

The  gentleman  from  Missouri  commences  his 
'iscourse  by  informing  this  committee  that  he 
ias,  for  a  long  time,  earnestly  desired  to  withdraw 
his  subject  from  this  forum — a  forum  disturbed 
.nd  agitated  by  political  controversies,  and  by 
•ersonal  and  local  considerations. 

1  would  like  to  inquire  of  the  gentleman  from 
•lissouri  what,  in  his  opinion,  constitutes  a  long 
eriod  of  time.  I  hold  in  my  hand  a  letter  written 
y  thatgentleman,  or  at  least  his  name  is  appended 
3  it,  dated  March  4, 1853.  Is  the  time  since  then 
long  period,  in  the  estimation  of  the  gentleman 
f  thirty  years'  experience  in  senatorial  legisla- 
;on?  This  letter  is  in  the  form  of  an  address  to 
is  constituents,  on  the  subject  of  a  railway  to 
ie  Pacific.  I  will  read  a  few  extracts  from  this 
;tter: 

"  I  hold  that  it  should  be  made  by  the  United  States,  so 
.r  as  their  territory  extends,  (which  would  he  almost  the 
hole  distance  on  the  central  route,)  leaving  the  two  ends 
here  it  would  go  through  States  to  the  operation  of  State 
ws  and  Stale  authority."  *  *  *  "My  idea  is,  that' the 
>ad  should  be  built  by  the  United  States,  by  the  creation 
f  a  stock  hypothecated  upon  the  public  lands,  and  paya- 
e,  at  a  fixed  period,  at  the  Federal  Treasury,  and  that  an 
[equate  force  should  be  put  upon  it  to  do  the  work  at 

This  much,  sir,  is  all  I  have  to  say  as  to  the 
ng  desire  of  the  gentleman  to  withdraw  this  sub- 
ct  from  the  forum  of  the  Federal  Congress. 


I  have  noticed  the  opening  of  the  gentleman's 
discourse  addressed  to  the  committee.  I  will  now 
refer  to  his  conclusion.  As  in  the  discourse  itself 
there  is  nothing  consecutive,  I  see  no  occasion  to 
treat  it  consecutively. 

The  gentleman  says  that  the  northern  road  pro- 
posed by  this  bill  is  a  British  road,  a  Canada 
road,  a  hyperborean  road,  an  impracticable  road; 
that  it  has  been  projected  for  entirely  speculative 
purposes;  and  that  this  British,  hyperborean,  im- 
practicable speculation  is  the  offspring  of  the 
present  Administration.  The  gentleman  is  mis- 
taken. I  will  inform  this  committee  that  the 
present  Administration  is  in  no  respects  charge- 
able with  the  paternity  of  this  monster  offspring. 
Its  paternity  is  chargeable  upon  no  other  person 
than  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  now  before  me. 
The  gentleman  from  Missouri,  as  long  ago  aa 
1845,  in  the  first  proposition  made  by  him  for  a 
railroad  to  the  Pacific,  suggested  that  it  should  be 
run  from  the  great  falls  of  the  Missouri  to  the 
Columbia  river — the  same  line  recently  surveyed 
by  Governor  Stevens.  The  exact  line  of  what  haa 
now  become  a  British  and  hyperborean  route. 

Mr.  BENTON.  That  was  before  the  acquisi- 
tion of  California. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  Yes,  it  was  ;  but  it  was 
as  much  a  British  road  then  as  it  is  now;  as  much 
hyperborean,  and  as  impracticable.  The  gentle- 
man then  described  it  as  an  excellent  route,  as  a 
practicable  and  convenient  route,  although  we  had 
then  but  few  of  our  people  on  the  shores  of  the 
Pacific.  He  suggested  a  railroad  by  this  route, 
as  a  means  whereby  we  could  command  the  rich 
commerce  of  the  Orient;  and  indulging  in  a  strain 
of  oriental  eloquence,  he  gorgeously  portrayed,  aa 
'ts  results,  a  line  of  cities  along  the  banks  of  the 
jreat  father  of  waters,  rivaling,  in  their  wealth  and 
splendor,  Palmyra  of  the  desert,  Tyre,  and  Car- 
thage, and  Venice. 

I  say,  then,  sir,  this  projected   road  is  no  off- 
pring  of  this  Administration.     If  for  its  paternity 
either  honor  or  execration  is  due,  the  debt  is  pay- 
able to  the  honorable  gentleman  himself. 

And  now  as  to  the  southern  route.    This,  the 


c. 


gentleman  insists,  is  another  offspring  of  the  Ad- 
ministration; and  here,  too,  the  gentleman  is  mis- 
taken.    Let  me  state  the  facts:     During  the  late 
war  with   Mexico  it  became   necessary  to  send 
a  body  of  troops  to  New  Mexico.    This  com-  | 
mand,  under  General  Kearny,  consisted  in  part ; 
of  mounted  men,  and  in  part  of  infantry,  with  a  \ 
large  baggage   train.      They  set  out  from   Fort! 
Leaven  worth,  on  the  frontier  of  Missouri,  enroute  I 
for  the  city  of  San  Francisco.      They  took  the 


miles  of  road,  would  furnish  the  territory  for  many 
States.  But  he  not  only  proposed  tp  set  apart  and 
appropriate  the  hundred  solid  miles  of  land,  but 
also  to  appropriate  to  ihe  scheme  all  the  revenues 
of  the  Federal  Government  collected  in  the  Ter- 
ritories of  California  and  Oregon. 

The  gentleman's  next  bill  provided  for  the  ap- 
propriation of  seventy-five  per  centum  of  the  pro- 
ceeds of  all  the  public  lands  lying  west  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  fifty  per  cent,  of  the  proceeds  of 


route  through  New  Mexico  as  the  most  practice-  the  balance  of  thfi  public  Unds,  in  aid  of  this  great 
ble.  At  Santa  Fc  they  endeavored  to  find  guides  ,  |  j  work.  It  seems  to  ms  that  the  gentleman  from 
and  to  ascertain  the  best  route  across  into  Cal- jj  Missouri  cannot  very  reasonably  assume  now, 
ifornia,  and  with  this  object  remained  in  New  j  |  that  there  is  anything  vicious  in  this  measure,  be- 
Mexico  for  some  time.  After  full  inquiry,  General  i  I  cause  it  proposes  to  dispose  of  what  i«,  com  para- 
Kearny  undertook  as  an  experiment  to  take  the  ij  lively,  but  a  small  part  of  the  public  domain,  for 
mounted  troops  down  the  Gila;  he  succeeded  in  j  the^ame  purpose, 
following  the  Gila,  but  encountered  serious  ob- 


stacles,  even    to   the   passage  of  his   mules   and 


But,  sir,  it  may  be  supposed   by  some,  that 

„    r ^ while  the  gentleman   from  Missouri  was  in  favor 

horses.  Leroux  undertook  to  guide  Lieutenant  I  of  a  direct  appropriation  of  the  public  domain,  or 
Colonel  Cooke  with  the  Mormon  battalion  and  [  its  proceeds;  while  he  was  in  favor  of  a  direct 
the  wagon  train,  by  a  wagon  road  into  California,  construction  of  the  road  by  the  Government,  with 
To  find  this  wagon  road  Colonel  Cooke,  with  his  !  the  property  and  money  of  the  Government,  yet 
command,  was  forced  south  through  what  was  j  that  he  was  consistently  opposed  to  the  policy  of 
then  a  part  of  Mexico;  and  over  the  same  line  of  I  granting  alternate  sections  of  the  public  lands, 
road,  the  survey  of  which  is  now  denounced  as  a  1 1  upon  special  grounds.  I  ask  the  attention  of  the 


fraudulent  speculation  on  the  part  of  certain  offi- 
v      x:ers  of  the  Army  and  the  Administration 
\  [      I  know  that,  until  very  recently,  it  has  been  gen 


I  committee,  and  of  the  gentleman  from  Missouri, 
while  I  state  that  in  the  debate  on  the  bill  to  grant 
lands  to  the  State  of  Illinois,  to  aid  in  the  construc- 


erally  supposed  at  the  West,  that  this  line  was  the  i  tion  of  the  Illinois  Central  railroad,  the  gentle- 
only  practicable  southern  line  to  the  Pacific,  and  !  man  from  Missouri  boasted  that  he  was  one  of 
that,  perhaps,  the  only  route  for  a  railroad  into  I  the  fathers  of  this  very  policy.  On  that  occasion, 
California,  was  south  of  the  Gila/  Since  the  open-  he  congratulated  himself  that  he  had  been  long 
of  the  road ("by  Colonel'  Cooke,  the  entire  emi-  |  enough  in  the  Senate  to  have  voted  for  the  original 


gration  from  the  south  and  southwest  have  passed 
over  this  road;  they  have  passed  it  in  summer  and 
winter;  the  features  and  facilities  of  the  country 
have  become  well  understood,  and  now  for  some 
years  it  has  been  known  to  present  no  serious 
physical  obstacles  to  the  construction  of  a  railroad. 
Therefore,  when  it  was  proposed  to  inquire  into 
the  practicability  of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific,  it 
became  important  for  the  Government  to  inquire 
into,  and  examine,  the  southern  route,  and  it  also 
became  an  important  measure — assuming  that 


arant  to  Illinois,  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the 
construction  of  a  canal  from  lake  Michigan  to  the 
Illinois  river.  He  stated  that,  without  that  aid, 
the  work  would  hardly  have  been  undertaken, 
much  less  accomplished.  He  pointed  out  the  pro- 
digious results  of  that  grant,  and  stated  that,  if  no 
other  advantageous  results  had  followed  the  grant, 
that  the  vast  facilities  afforded  to  our  internal  nav- 
igation well  compensated  us  for  parting  with  some 
acres,  over  which  this  Government  then  wielded  a 
barren  scepter.  On  the  same  occasion,  the  gentle- 


there  was  no  other  practicable  route— to  acquire  il  man  stated  that  he  had  voted  to  give  nearly  half  a 
that  country  from  Mexico. v  \  |  million  of  acres  to  the  State  of  Alabama,  to  aid  in 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  gentleman  from  Mis- j  J  the  construction  of  a  canal  around  thr   " 
uri  has  great  objections  to  the  policy  of  appro-  iShoals;  and  that,  although  the  work  had 


souri  has  great  oojections 

priating  the  public  lands  in  aid  of  railroad  enter- 
prises. His  language  amounts  to  a  denunciation 
of  the  policy  in  the  most  unmeasured  terms.  It 
would  'seem  somewhat  strange,  however,  to  the 
committee  if  I  should  state  to  them,  and  should 
prove  to  them,  that  the  gentleman  has  always 
heretofore  been  in  favor  of  the  most  extravagant 
appropriations  of  lands  for  such  purposes;  that 
no  other  man  in  the  Union,  in  or  out  of  Congress, 
has  made  a  record  of  propositions  of  this  kind, 
that  will  at  all  compare,  in  point  of  extravagance, 
with  those  made  by  the  gentleman  from  Missouri. 
The  gentleman  introduced  into  the  Senate  two  dif- 


the  Muscle 
not  been 

executed,  he  did  not  consider  the  appropriation 
lost;  that  there  had  been  great  advantages  gained 
by  the  conveyance  of  the  land  out  of  the  dead 
hands  of  the  Government  into  the  hands  of  indi- 
vidual citizens,  who  would  cultivate  it,  and  render 
it  subservient  to  the  wealth  and  prosperity  of  the 
country.  That  he  did  not  consider  any  of  these 
grants  unprofitable;  but  that,  in  his  opinion,  a 
great  public  object  was  gained  by  the  transfer  of 
the  public  lands  from  those  by  whom  they  were 
not  cultivated  to  those  by  whom  they  were  made 
productive. 

The  gentleman  stated  that  he  should  vote  for 


ferent  bills  for  the  construction  of  a  railroad  to  the  j !  the  pending  railroad  grunt  with  great  pleasure,  and 
Pacific.    His  first  bill  proposed  to  appropriate  one  [  that  he  hoped  from  it  similar  beneficial  ^results  to 


hundred  solid  miles  of  land  along  the  whole  line 
through  to  the  Pacific.  Not  alternate  sections, 
mind,  but  one  hundred  miles  in  a  continuous  tract. 
The  gentleman  talks  about  the  grant  proposed  by 
this  Sill  as  containing  mere  land  than  would  be 


those  effected  by  the  grant°in  favor  of  the  Illinois 
and  Michigan  canal.  Thegentleman,  then,  is  not 
opposed  to  the  appropriation  of  the  public  domain 
for  purposes  such  as  are  aimed  at  by  this  bill, 
neither  is  he  opposed  to  the  policy  of  granting 


required  for  a  State.  Iriis  proposal  to  appropriate  ;i  alternate  sections  to  States  or  individual  citiz 
one  hundred  miles  in  breadth,  along  two  thousand  [j  in  aid  of  enterprises  such  as  the  one  no  w  proposed 


3 


!-.  ehas  been  the  acknowledged  advocate,  cham- ||  The  gentleman  talks  about  thepromises  ofthesolid 
p  on,  and  father  of  this  policy.  1  ask,  sir,  how,  i  men  of  Boston,  and  solid  men  elsewhere.  Now,  if 

0  why,  has  the  gentleman  just  now,  at  this  mo-  ij  promises  were  money;  if  promises  were  grading, 
rr  ent,  changed  his  position  and  his  front  upon  this  I  superstructure,  or  a  road,  they  might  amount  to 
u  hole  question  ?  |  something.  But!  am  a  little  surprised  that  this  gen- 
There  is  another  singular  and  significant  feature  i  tleman  should  make  promises  the  premises  for  so 

ii  the  history  of  the  gentleman's  relations  to  the  I  vast  a  conclusion.  1  have  always  understood  the 
Picific  railroad.  As  early  as  1845  he  advocated  !|  gentleman  had  a  special  aversion  to  promises;  I 
t!  e  construction  of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific,  but  !|  have  even  understood  that  he  would  nottakea  bank 
h  '.  then  proposed  no  action.  |i  note  for  a  dollar;  and  I  never  supposed  that  after 

In  1849  he  introduced  his  first  bill,  one  of  the  I  having, from  his  wantof  faith  in  promises,  won  the 
b  11s  to  which  I  have  already  alluded.     Upon  the  I  sobriquetof  Old  Bullion,  he  would  promise  to  build 

1  troduction  of  this  bill,  he  delivered  one  of  his  Ii  a  railroad  to^the  Pacific  on   promises.     He  has 
o  iental  discourses,  a  discourse  perfect  in  its  rhet-  j.j  promises  of  ttie  solid  men  of  theEast — promises  to 
c  ic,  gorgeous  in  its  descriptions,  and  overflowing  i  do  what  ?    To  build  a  road  to  the  Pacifier     By  no 
^  ith   historical   illustrations.      I   have   read   the  h  means.     They  may  have  informed  him  that,  if  the 
£  >eech,  read  it  several  times,  not  with  curiosity  ji  country  was  as  beautiful,  and  as  practicable,  and 


i  erely,  but  with  delight,  at  the  glowing,  gorgeous 
I  cture  he  presented.  From  sui  h  a  speech,  one 
1  ould  ordinarily  look  for  some  result,  or  at  least 
.<  >me  action;  and  it  seemed  strange  to  me  that, 
i  oon  an  examination  of  the  record,  I  could  not 
;  id  that  the  gentleman  had  ever  called  up  the  bill 
]  i  had  introduced.  It  seemed  strange  to  me  that, 
;  ter  exhausting  so  much  labor  and  so  much  elo- 
aence  upon  his  measure,  he  should  not  have 
jked  a  vote  upon  it;  but  permitted  it  to  lie  dead 
pon  the  table  of  the  Senate. 
In  1850  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  intro- 
aced  his  second  Pacific  railroad  bill.  He  intro- 
uced  his  bill,  made  another  of  his  oriental 
Deeches,  sent  his  speech  to  the  country,  and 
jain  let.  the  bill  lie  dead  without  moving  towards 
s  resurrection.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1853,  he 
;nt  his  address  to  the  people  of  Missouri,  extracts 
om  which  I  have  read  to  you.  It  is  now  near 
le  4th  of  March,  1855.  One  session  of  Con- 
ress  has  expired,  and  another  has  nearly  passed, 
nd  no  one  here  has  heard  of  any  corresponding 
reposition  from  the  gentleman  from  Missouri. 
Instead  of  finding  him,  in  his  official  position, 
rging  upon  Congress  any  one  of  the  measures 
e  has  proposed,  we  find  him,  within  the  last 
lonth  or  two,  making  pilgrimages  and  speeches 
i  the  North  and  East,  and  in  Ins  speeches  repu- 
iating  the  idea  of  Government  aid  in  the  con- 
truction  of  the  road  to  the  Pacific.  The  gentle- 
lan  has  made  speeches  in  the  North  and  East,  as 
e  has  made  speeches  in  Washington.  I  would 
ke  to  ask  of  the  gentleman,  does  he  expect 
peeches  to  build  the  road  ?  But  he  says  he  has 
wenty  of  the  solid  men  of  Boston  at  his  back; 
hat  he  can  build  it  by  private  enterprise  alone; 
nat  he  has  raised  millions — has  it,  has  it  in  his 
ocket;  has  the  railroad  in  his  pocket — a  ponder- 
us  burden  for  one  man  to  carry,  but  it  seems  not 
ven  to  stoop  his  back.  He  will  build  the  railroad 
.imsdf,  alone  he  will  do  it;  another  Hercules, 
ipon  his  own  broad  shoulders  he  will  bear  the 
nighty  burden.  He  will  have  no  aid  from  the 
federal  Government;  all  he  asks  is  to  be  let  alone, 
o  be  jillowed  to  pass  over  the  public  domein, 
vithout  being  sued  as  a  trespasser.  It  is  a  matter 
if  sincere  and  earnest  regret  with  me  that  I 
annot  think  his  capacity  at  all  equal  to  his 
ublime  ambition. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  what  I  most  apprehend, 
vhat  I  most  fear,  is,  that  the  genileman  is  still 
nerely  talking  about  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific;  that 
ie  has  never  heretofore,  and  that  he  does  not  now, 
aean  earnestly  to  act.  1  will  elate  my  reasons: 


the  enterprise  as  productive,  as  he  described, 
they  would  favor  it,  and  subscribe  stock  towards 
its  construction.  Information  like  this  has  not 
even  the  weight  of  a  promise.  As  yet  no  company 
has  been  organized,  no  route  has  been  selected, 
and  I  do  not,  and  cannot,  believe  that  the  gentle- 
man has  any  faith  in  suggestions  or  assurances  so 
vague  and  indefinite  as  those  of  which  he  speaks 
must  necessarily  be.  But  a  short  time  since  he 
thought  the  work  too  great  for  private  enterprise, 
He  thought  the  road  should  be  constructed,  and 
should  be  owned  by  the  Government;  that  it 
should  be  an  Appian  way,  a  highway  for  nations, 
a  highway  as  free  as  our  rivers;  and  I  say  again, 
and  I  say  to  the  gentleman  from  Missouri,  I  have 
no  faith  in  his  promises,  and  I  do  not  believe  he  has 
any  faith  in  them.  When  the  gentleman  last  ap- 
pealed to  the  Federal  Government, as  the  only  pow- 
er adequate  to  this  great  enterprise,  private  railroad 
enterprises  were  prosperous.  Now,  at  this  mo- 
ment, when  all  individual  enterprises  of  this  kind 
are  under  a  cloud,  when  every  railroad  capitalist, 
and  every  railroad  interest,  is  laboring  under  the 
greatest  embarrassment,  he  discovers  suddenly, 
and  for  the  first  time,  that  private  individual  capital 
is  altogether  equal  to  the  undertaking.  What, sir, 
does  this  changeof  position  and  opinion  mean?  or 
rather,  what  has  caused  this  change  in  the  gentle- 
man's tactics?  Why  is  the  gentleman  from  Mia- 
souri  so  much  disposed ,  just  at  this  moment,  to  play 
the  Hercules?  Can  it  be  that  his  proposition,  his 
pilgrimages,  and  his  discourses,  since  the  com- 
mencement of  the  present  session,  are  aimed  at  the 
assembled  wisdom  of  his  State,  now  in  council  at 
Jefferson  City ,  rather  than  at  overcoming  the  plains 
and  mountains  that  separate  us  from  the  Pacific? 

I  can  conceive  of  no  other  satisfactory  solution  of 
his  strange  and  inconsistent  course  upon  the  sub- 
ject under  consideration. 

On  yesterday  evening  the  gentleman  from  Mary- 
land, [Mr.  HAMILTON,]  a  gentleman  of  altogether 
a  different  school  from  the  gentleman  from  Mis- 
souri, presented  to  the  committee  his  views  in 
opposition  to  the  pending  bill.  He  frankly  avowed 
his  opposition  to  all  grants  of  land,  and  to  all 
Government  aid,  to  railroads.  He  regarded  all 
such  acts  on  the  part  of  the  Government  as  un- 
constitutional. I  shall  endeavor  briefly  to  respond 

I 1  some  of  the  points  made  by  him;ai  d  I  will  say 
here,  that,  however  lightly  I  may  regard  the  sub- 
stance of  his  argument,  I  will  accord   to  him  the 
credit  of  sincerity.     The  gentleman  from  Mary- 
land sets   out   by  assuming,  that  under  the  pro- 
visions of  this  bill,  a  road  to  the  Pacific  must  be 


a  Government  road.     This  assumption   he  first  [j  But  if  the  gentleman  means  thus  to  test  the  con- 
bases  upon  the  clauses  in  the  bill  authorizing  the  <i  stitutionality  of  the  bill  now  pending,  I  confess  it 

is  a  test  the  strangest  that  I  have  met  with  in  my 
experience.  He  asserts  that  the  constitutionality 
of  an  exertion  of  power  by  this  Congress,  is  to  be 
determined  by  what  may  be  the  policy  or  legisla- 
tion of  the  Government  years  to  come;  that  the 
constitutionality  of  the  pending  bill  is  to  bedeterm- 


Secretary  of  War  to  advertise  for  proposals,  and 
to  contract  for  the  construction  of  the  road.     If 


the  Secretary  of  War  is  to  advertise  and  contract 
for  the  construction  of  the  road,  he  concludes  it 
must  necessarily  be  a  Government  road.  He 
does  not  seem  to  consider  that  the  correctness  of 
his  conclusion  could  be  at  all  affected,  by  the  rela- 


tion of  the  Government  to  the  contract,  or  the 
interest  the  Government  might  have,  either  in  its 
breach  or  performance. 

I  will  ask  the  gentleman :  Suppose  that  when  this 
Congress  granted  to  the  State  of  Ilfinois  land  to 
aid  in  the  construction  of  the  Illinois  and  Michi- 
gan canal,  there  had  been  introduced  into  the  grant 
a  stipulation,  or  condition,  providing  that  the  State 
of  Illinois  should  forfeit  the  land  so  granted,  or  its 
equivalent,  in  case  she  should  fail  to  construct  the 
work  within  a  time  fixed.  Would  such  a  stipu- 
lation have  made  the  work  a  Government  work  ? 
Suppose  again,  that,  instead  of  the  State  of  Illinois, 
the  offer  had  been  made  to  individuals,  or  a  cor- 
poration, and  to  secure  fair  competition,  the  pro- 
posal was  to  be  advertised,  and  competent  parties 
nad  come  in  and  accepted  the  proposal,  and  con- 
tracted accordingly,  will  he  contend  that  such  an 
advertisement  and  contract  would  make  the  work 
a  Government  work?  By  a  Government  work 
is  meant  Government  proprietorship  in  a  work. 
Neither  the  advertisement  or  contract  suggested 


!  ined  by  the  uses  to  which  the  road  shall  be  put 
I  after  it  may  have  become  forfeited  to  the  Govern- 
i  ment. 

Mr.  HAMILTON,  (interrupting.)  The  gentle- 
|  man  misinterprets  my  remarks.     1  said  its  consti- 
i  tutionality  depended  upon  its  object.     If  it  were 
to  be  used  as  a  necessary  and  proper  instrument, 
to  execute  an  enumerated  power  in  the  Constitu- 
tion, then  it  would  be  constitutional,  otherwise 
not. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  The  gentleman  said,  if, 
in  case  of  forfeiture,  it  was  to  be  used  for  Gov- 
ernment purposes,  he  could  see  no  objection  to 
the  bill;  but  if  it  was  to  be  used  for  private  pur- 
poses it  was  altogether  unconstitutional.  Now, 
sir,  the  object  contemplated  in  case  of  the  forfeiture 
of  this  road,  is  no  object  at  all.  No  such  thing 
as  a  forfeiture  is  contemplated.  Forfeiture  is  not 
an  object  of  this  bill,  neither  is  any  contingency 
dependent  upon  such  forfeiture  an  object  in  the 
legislation  now  proposed.  If,  by  accident  or 
otherwise,  the  road,  or  any  portion  of  it,  should 
be  forfeited  to  the  Government,  it  will  be  for  the 


involves  any  idea  of  proprietorship  on  the  part  of  j  gentleman  from  Maryland  himself,  if  then  a  mem- 


the  Government;  it  would  devolve  upon  the  Gov- 
ernment neither  the  construction,  ownership,  or 
control  of  the  work. 

So  far  as  this  bill  is  concerned,  it  is  a  sufficient 
answer  to  all  such  points  to  show  that  this  bill 
involves  only  the  exercise  of  certain  specific  pow- 
ers by  Congress: 

First — The  power  to  grant  lands,  by  alternate 
sections,  in  aid  of  a  railroad  enterprise. 

Second — The  power  to  contract  for  transporta- 
tion for  Government  purposes. 

Third — The  power  to  stipulate  with  the  grantees 
and  contracting  parties,  that  they  will  construct  a 
road  in  a  certain  time,  and  in  a  certain  manner, 
under  the  penalty  of  forfeiture  of  the  property 
and  rights  secured  to  them  by  the  bill,  and  also 
the  further  forfeiture  of  such  further  security  as 
they  agree  to  give,  as  an  assurance  that  they 
will  undertake  and  complete  the  work  in  good 
faith;  or,  in  other  words,  the  power  to  stipulate 
for  security  sufficient  to  protect  the  Government 


ber  of  this  body,  and  such  others  as  may  then 
have  the  control  of  Federal  legislation,  to  say  what 
constitutional  use  or  disposition  shall  be  made  of 
the  forfeiture. 

But  the  gentleman  from  Maryland  insists  fur- 
ther, that  the  bill  is  unconstitutional  because  it 
provides  for  a  grant  of  lands.  Now,  I  wish  to 
ask  the  gentleman — and  I  want  his  answer — does 
he  think  the  Government  possesses  the  power  to 
grant  a  right  of  way,  of  a  mile  in  width,  through 
the  public  lands  ? 

Mr.  HAMILTON.  I  think  the  Government 
has  the  right  to  grant  the  right  of  way ;  but  a  grant 
of  lands  is  another  thing. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  Government,  then,  has  the 
power  to  grant  the  right  of  way  for  a  mile,  but  uo 
power  to  grant  lands  for  one  mile  or  ten  miles. 

Upon  what  clause  in  the  Constitution  does  the 
gentleman  found  his  distinction?  Where  does  he 
find  the  power  to  grant  the  right  of  way  overland, 
or,  in  other  words,  the  power  to  grant  the  use  of 


and  its  property  from  the  schemes  of  irrespon-  !  land,  without  the  power  to  convey  the  title  ?  There 


sible  speculators. 

Now,  sir,  I  do  not  understand  the  power  to  con- 
tract for  transportation  to  bequestioned.  I  do  not 
understand  the  power  to  stipulate  conditions  of 
forfeiture  to  be  questioned;  but  as  a  portion  of  the 
road  may  be  forfeited  to  the  Government,  the  gen- 
tleman from  Maryland  thinks  that  the  portion  so 
forfeited  would  become  a  Government  road,  and, 
therefore,  an  unconstitutional  road.  He  does  not 
insist  that  it  will  be  necessarily  an  unconstitutional  I 
road;  for  if,  after  forfeiture,  it  should  be  run  and  ' 
used  for  Government  and  public  purposes  alone, 
then  it  would  be  a  constitutional  road;  but  if,  after 
forfeiture,  it  should  be  run  and  used  for  private  and 
commercial  purposes,  then  it  would  be  an  uncon- 
stitutional road.  1  have  heard  of  unconstitutional 
laws,  but  never  of  unconstitutional  roads  before. 


is  no  distinction  of  this  kind.  The  power  either 
exists,  or  it  does  not  exist  in  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. If  it  exists  to  the  smallest  extent,  it  exists 
because  there  is  full  power  over  the  subject.  Now, 
sir,  under  what  clause  does  the  gentleman  find  the 
power  to  grant  the  right  of  way  ?  I  suppose  it  is 
under  what  he  calls  the  eighth  section,  the  power 
to  provide  for  the  common  defense  and  general 
welfare;  he  would  not  undertake  to  locale  it  more 
definitely.  But,  sir,  we  appeal  to  no  doubtful  or 
questionable  provision  of  the  Constitution,  wher» 
we  claim  that  Congress  possesses  the  power  to 
grant  the  public  lands;  we  do  not  appeal  to  the 
eighth  section,  nor  to  the  military  power,  nor  to 
the  naval  power,  nor  to  the  power  to  make  post 
roads,  but  we  find  the  power  and  right  given  in 
the  express  letter  of  the  Constitution: 


"Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of,  and  make  all  '  Government  works;  and  we  all  know  that,  in  all 
needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting,  the  Territory  or  j  business  of  this  kind,  she  is  both  slow  and  waste- 
other  property  belonging  to  the  United  States."  fuh  j  wigh  the  r(md  tQ  b&  &  thing  of  thg  present 

What  power  more  perfect  than  this  could  have  generation;  and  for  this,  if  for  no  other  reason, 
been  given  over  the  public  domain?  The  term  to  I  prefer  that  it  shall  be  a  matter  of  individual 
dispose,  is  one  known  to  the  law,  and  the  power  to  I  enterprise,  to  which  the  Government  contributes 


dispose  conveys  the  unlimited  right  of  disposition. 
The  legal  and  the  popular  signification  of  the 
term  is  the  same,  and  it  is  by  construction  or  inter- 
polation alone  that  it  can  be  limited.  The  gentle- 
man says  that  to  dispose  means  to  sell.  Sell  for 


nothing  without  an  equivalent  consideration,  and 
with  which  the  Government  has  nothing  more  to 
do  than,  by  the  force  of  its  great  arm,  to  give  it 
life  and  motion. 
The  amount  of  the  lands  granted  is  another  ob- 


what?    Sell  for  one  dollar  and  twenty-five  cents  jjection  of  the  gentleman.     He  says  it  will  amount 
per  acre?    Why  not  for  five  dollars,  or  for  five 


cents?  or  rather,  why  not  carry  out  the  idea,  and 


to  a  grant  of  twenty-seven  million  of  acres.     The 
gentleman's  estimate  is  an  exaggerated  one;  but  let 

make  the  proposition  complete,  and  say  that  the  me  remind  the  committee  that  a  thousand  miles  of 
only  constitutional  way  to  dispose  of  the  public  I  j  this  road  lies  in  the  remote  country  of  the  inte- 
domain  is  to  sell  it, as  at  sheriff's  sale,  to  the  high- 1!  rior,and  passes  over  rugged  mountains  and  exten- 
est  bidder,  for  cash  in  hand?  But  the  suggestion  H  sive  deserts.  Nearly  all  the  lands  proposed  to  be 


is,  that  Congress  is  a  mere  trustee  of  the  public  j:  granted,  except  those  in  the  State  "of  California, 

t.     I  | j  are  at  present  almost  inaccessible  and  totally  val- 


domain,  with  certain  limitations  on  its  trust. 


would  like  to  see  the  limitation  in  the  Constitution, 
and  then  I  would  like  to  know  what  supervising 
court  of  equity  Congress  should  appeal  to,  so  as 
to  be  able  prudently  to  manage  the  estate  for  the 
ad  vantage  of  the  beneficiaries. 

The  fact  is,  sir,  the  gentleman  from  Maryland, 
instead  of  standing  by  the  Constitution,  is  a  most 
extravagant  latitudinarian.  He  is  more  of  a  lati- 
tudinarian  than  any  one  ever  accused  Mr.  Web- 
ster of  being.  Mr.  Webster  only  claimed  the 
right  to  expound  the  Constitution.  The  gentle- 
man from  Maryland  undertakes  to  interpolate 


ueless.  This  bill  proposes  to  open  that  vast  and 
1  now  inaccessible  country — to  run  through  it  a 
I  road,  which,  like  a  great  river,  will  give  to  it 

communication,  commerce,  and  wealth — a  road 
!  which  will  not  only  make  the  territory  immedi- 
j  ately  along  its  line  valuable,  but  which  will  open 
i  up  to  settlement  and  civilization  territory  equal  to 
j  a  dozen  States.  If  the  lands  granted,  now  value- 
l  less,  are  made  valuable,  the  lands,  'also,  of  the 

Government  are  made  valuable.  The  lands  of  the 
i  Government  will  derive  from  this  communication 

all  their  value.     If,  under  the  provisions   of  this 


into  the  Constitution.     The  power  given  by  the  !  bill,  the  road  is  constructed,  the  Government  must 

Constitution  is   too  large,  therefore  he  takes  the 

liberty  of  interpolating  a  proviso.     He  finds  the 

power  given  to  dispose;  he  interpolates  so  as  to 

make  it  read,  the  power  to  dispose  of  by  sale,  at 

$1  25  per  acre.     I  think,  as  I  said  before,  that,  to 

make  his  idea  perfect,  he  should  interpolate  so  that 

it  should  read,  the  power  to  dispose  of  by  sale  at 

public  auction  to  the  highest  bidder  for  cash  in 

hand. 

Mr.  HAMILTON.  The  gentleman  misunder- 
stands me.  1  do  not  question  the  right  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  to  dispose  of  the 
public  domain,  but  the  object  for  which  it  is  to  be 
disposed  of.  If  the  object  is  constitutional,  then 
there  is  no  question  as  to  the  right. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  1  did  not  so  understand 
the  gentleman.  I  understand  him  now  to  admit 
that  the  power  exists  generally,  but  that  it  may 
be  qualified  by  the  object  for  which  the  power  is 


exercised.  Now,  sir,  power  is  one  thing,  and  the 
object  of  its  exercise  is  another.  If  it  is  admitted 
that  the  power  exists,  there  will  have  to  be  a  new 
school  of  constitutional  law  established  before  it 


necessarily  derive  immense  pecuniary  advantages. 

There  is  no  danger,  under  the  provisions  of  this 
bill,  of  establishing  a  vast  landed  monopoly;  the 
bill  is  properly  guarded,  and  the  grantees  must 
sell  within  a  specified  time,  or  forfeit  the  remain- 
ing lands  to  the  Government. 

The  gentleman  from  Maryland  is  alarmed  at 
the  idea  of  organizing  a  vast  and  overshadowing 
monopoly;  an  interest  which  will  hereafter  come 
into  these  Halls  and  demand  legislation  upon  its 
own  terms;  an  interest  which  will  control  States 
and  influence  the  nation;  an  interest  more  power- 
ful than  the  old  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and 
more  dangerous. 

The  cost  of  this  road  would  be  about  seventy- 
five  miilions.  There  is  now  six  hundred  million 
of  railroad  capital  in  the  United  States,  and  I  have 
never  heard  that  this  capital  in  any  way  threatened 
our  political  institutions.  Several  States  have 
splendid  systems  of  internal  improvements;  I 
never  understood  that  they  were  regarded  as  mis- 
chievous. Illinois  has  now  roads  equal  to  a  line 
from  Missouri  to  California,  and  I  take  it  she  is 


can  be  maintained  that  the  exercise  of  that  power  jj  not  worse  off  now  than  she  was  ten  years  ago 
can  be  constitutionally  qualified  by  the  object  pro-  without  them.  I  take  it  that  neither  Indiana,  or 
Posed.  i|  Ohio,  or  Pennsylvania,  or  New  York,  or  Massa- 

But  the  burden  of  the  gentleman's  objection  is,  |i  chusetts  apprehend  political  disorganization  from 
that  this  bill  proposes  the  construction  of  a  Gov- 1|  their  great  railroad  enterprises.     I  take  it  Mary- 
land is  in  no  danger  from  her  expensive  works  and 
large  railroad  companies;  and  to  this  whole  coun- 
try, the  megnitude  of  a  Pacific  railroad  is  trifling 
compared   to  what  the  enterprises  of  Maryland 
are  to  that  State.     This  apprehension  is  a  mere 
|  creature  of  the  gentleman's  imagination.     There 
are,  perhaps,  a  thousand  owners  of  the  Baltimore 


ernment  road.  I  have  said  enough  upon  this 
point,  but  I  must  say  I  have  been  surprised  by 
this  objection.  It  was  the  most  distinct  purpose 
of  the  iramers  of  this  bill  that  it  should  not  be  a 
Government  work.  Apart  from  all  questions  of  a 
political  character,  they  knew  that  it  would  take 
the  Government  twice  as  long,  and  would  cost  the 


Government  twice  as  much,  to  build  the  road  as  jj  and  Ohio  railroad,  and  they  are  all  looking  eagerly 
if  it  was  undertaken  and  managed  by  private  and  j  for  their  cent  per  cent.  For  this  road  there  will 
personal  interests.  We  all  know  something  about  |[  be  a  hundred  thousand  owners,  also  looking  for 


6 


their  cent  per  cent.  They  may  try  to  get  good 
mail  contracts  and  high  prices  for  transportation 
from  the  Government;  so  do  all  other  companies. 
What  beyond  this  the  parties  interested  in  this 
road  can  have  to  do  with  the  Government,  1  do  not 
understand.  It  will  be  no  organization  like  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States.  TheGovernment  has 
neither  stock  nor  direction  in  the  work,  cannot 
control  or  affect  either  its  profits  or  its  losses;  and 
while  the  Government  has  no  control  over  the 
work,  the  parties  interested  in  the  work  have  no 
more  to  do  with  the  Government  than  any  bank  in 
Wall  street. 

1  do  not  expect,  however,  that  this  road  is  to 
be  built  by  any  one  company.  The  people  on 
the  Pacific  expect  to  construct  and  own  a  portion 
of  it,  and  a  large  portion  of  it.  No  fears  are  en- 
tertained there  about  the  practicability  of  the  road. 
No  one  there  is  alarmed  at  its  magnitude.  The 
people  of  the  Pacific  have  learned  to  look  obsta- 
cles in  the  face,  and  have  learned  to  conquer  them. 


consideration  of  this  question,  and  I  now  repeat 
what  I  took  occasion  to  state  at  the  opening  of 
this  discussion  during  the  last  session;  I  am  not 
the  champion  of  any.  particular  plan,  or  of  any 
particular  route;  I  want  a  road;  and  if  any  better 
legislation  can  be  suggested  than  is  provided  by 
this  bill,  1  am  ready  to  adopt  it.  1  am  willing  to 
go  further,  and  the  committee  with  which  1  am 
associated  are  willing  to  go  further:  we  are 
willing  to  adopt  another  specific  measure — the 
measure  brought  forward  at  tins  session  by  the 
committee  of  the  Senate. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  about  the  same  time 
the  special  committee  wasappointed  by  the  House, 
a  special  committee  was  also  appointed  by  the  Sen- 
ate upon  the  same  subject.  It  was  my  own  wish, 
and  it  was  the  wish  of  the  House  committee,  to 
secure  concurrent  and  uniform  action  on  the  part 
of  the  two  committees.  This  was  found  imprac- 
ticable during  the  last  session.  Since,  however, 
the  commencement  of  the  present  session,  the 


The  people  of  the  State  of  California,  within  the  l|  Senate  committee  have  agreed  upon  a  measure 
last  three  years,  with  no  other  capital  than  labor,  h  with  which,  I  am  authorized  to  say,  the  House 
have  made  more  than  a  hundred  miles  of  tunnels  |j  committee  can  concur, 
through  the  bowels  of  their  mountains,  with  rail-  \\      The  Senate  bill  is  the  samein  principle,  and  the 


roads  their  entire  length;  and  they  have  carried 
alon?  their  mountain  ridges  more  than  five  hun- 
dred miles  of  canal.  And  I  say  here,  make  this 
bill  a  law,  lei  me  take  it  with  me  to  the  State  of 
California,  and,  within  thirty  days  after  my  arri- 
val at  San  Francisco,  the  people  of  California  will 
have  organized,  and  provided  the  substantial  cap- 
ital to  build  an^d  from  the  bay  of  San  Francisco, 
across  their  mountains,  to  the  boundary  of  their 
State.  And  let  me  say  further — and  what  I  say  is 
no  idle  boast — pass  this  bill,  and,  if  the  enterprise, 
capital,  and  spirit  of  the  East  is  not  tqual  to  the 
task  of  meeting  the  energy  and  enterprise  of  Cal- 
ifornia on  the  way,  the  people  of  that  State  are 
equal  to  building,  will  undertaketo  build,  and  will 
build  and  own  the  road  themselves. 

I  do  not,  however,  apprehend  the  happening  of 
any  such  contingency.  The  railroad  capitalists 
of  the  Mississippi  and  Atlantic  States,  with  their 
six  hundred  million  of  railroad  interests,  them- 
selves among  the  most  intelligent  and  enterprising 
men  of  this  or  any  country,  although  under  a 
present  cloud,  and  suffering  from  a  general  panic, 
will  be  ready  for  action  quite  as  soon  as,  under  the 
provisions  of  this  bill,  the  work  can  be  entered 
upon.  The  people  of  the  Atlantic,  and  the  Mis- 
sissippi, and  the  Pacific,  will  unite  in  the  accom- 
plishment of  this  great  work;  and  so  far  from  their 
union  and  success  working  mischief  to  the  Repub- 
lic, the  beneficent  results  of  their  enterprise  and 
labor,  will  be  both  felt  and  recognized  through- 
out this  Republic,  and  throughout  the  world  for 
ages 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  time  some  action  was  had 
upon  this  subject.  The  popularvoiceof  the  whole 
country  has  called  for  action  upon  it.  The  neces- 
sities of  the  Pacific  coast  demand  action  upon  it. 
The  road  is  wanted  for  safety;  it  is  wanted  for 
economy;  it  is  wanted  for  expedition:  it  is  wanted 
for  union;  it  is  wanted  so  that  this  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, in  its  offices,  and  in  its  protecting  power, 
may  exist  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific.  I  say 
the  r  ad  is  wanted,  and  I  say  further,  that  want 
is  a  necessity;  and  I  say  further  still,  that  that 
necessity  demands  legislation — demands  legisla- 
tion here.  We  have  devoted  time  enough  to  the 


same  in  its  machinery,  with  the  bill  now  before 
the  House.  The  present  House  bill  was  the  basis 
of  the  present  Senate  bill,  and  I  will  now  proceed 
briefly  to  point  out  the  particular  modifications. 

First.  The  Senate  bill  provides  for  three  roads 
instead  of  two;  one  to  commence  on  the  western 
border  of  Texas,  and  running  to  the  navigable 
waters  of  the  Pacific,  in  the  State  of  California. 
One  to  commence  on  the  western  border  either  of 
Missouri  or  Iowa,  and  running  to  the  city  of  San 
Francisco;  and  one  to  commence  on  the  western 
border  of  Wisconsin,  and  running  to  the  navigable 
waters  of  the  Pacific,  in  Oregon  or  Washington 
Territory. 

Second.  Instead  of  making  the  grant  of  lands 
contained  in  the  House  bill,  but  twelve  miles  in 
alternate  sections  are  to  be  granted,  so  that  the 
amount  of  lands  to  be  granted  under  the  terms 
of  the  Senate  bill  for  the  three  roads,  will  not  be 
more  than  the  amount  of  grant  provided  in  the 
House  bill  for  two  roads. 

Third.  The  maximum  fixed  in  the  House  bill 
for  transportation  was  #GOO  per  mile  per  annum. 
The  Senate  bill  provides  a  maximum  of  $>300  per 
mile  per  annum  for  mail  transportation,  and  for 
all  other  transportation,  not  more  than  the  Gov- 
ernment now  pays  for  the  same  service.  Now, 
sir,  the  Government  is  at  this  time  paying  as  high 
as  $375  per  mile  per  annum  for  first-class  mail 
service.  The  Government  is  at  this  time  paying 
for  a  semi-monthly  mail  by  the  Isthmus  of  Panama 
more  than  it  would  cost  for  a  daily  mail  under  the 
provisions  of  this  bill.  So  far  as  military  and 
naval  transportation  is  concerned,  it  is  a  very  pal- 
pable fact  that,  until  we  have  a  railroad  acrosa 
the  continent  to  our  possessions  on  the  Pacific,  the 
cost  of  such  transportation  must  every  year  in- 
crease. If  the  cost  of  Government  transportation 
this  year  is  two  millions,  next  year  it  will  be  two 
millions  and  a  half.  The  year  after,  it  will,  per- 
haps, be  three  millions.  So  that  this  provision  is 
an  economical  one  to  the  Government.  And  now, 
sir,  let  me  ask,  if  the  grant  of  lands  is  a  matter  of 
economy,  as  well  as  of  policy,  as  I  have  shown; 
if  the  tranpportation  contract  is  a  matter  of  econo- 
my, how  do  the  very  economical  members  of  this 


committee  justify  themselves  in  voting  against  the 
bill? 

There  is  a  further  important  change  made  by 
the  Senate  f)ill.  The  military  features  of  the 
House  bill  have  been  stricken  out.  The  gentle- 
man from  New  York  [Mr.  PERKINS]  need  not  be 
further  alarmed  at  the  danger  and  expense  of  a 
standing  army  to  protect  the  road.  Now,  as  to 
the  feature  of  the  House  bill  providing  military 
protection  along  the  line  of  road,  I  wish  to  state 
that,  along  the  great  emigrant  routes  to  the  Pacific, 
we  are  entitled  to,  we  have  the  absolute  right  to, 
protection — complete,  ample  protection.  It  is  the 
absolute  right  of  the  people  on  the  Pacific  to  have 
a  good  and  a  safe  route  to  the  Atlantic  sea-board, 
and  to  the  center  of  Federal  power.  A  force  suf- 
ficient to  protect  those  routes  is  all  the  standing 
army  required  by  the  provisions  of  the  bill  pre- 
sented to  the  House.  The  force  that  would  pro- 
tect the  lines  of  emigration,  would  protect  the 
railroad  lines.  Every  gentleman  upon  this  floor 
knows  that  there  is  now  no  sufficient  protection 
given  to  those  lines,  and  I  would  like  to  understand 
why  it  is  that  honorable  gentlemen  think  it  neces- 
sary to  insist  that  one  hundred  thousand  of  their 
fellow-citizens  should  pass  and  repass  every  year 
between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  at  peril  of  their 
lives?  I  would  like  to  understand  why  it  is  that 
they  prefer  that  whole  companies  of  men,  and 
women,  and  children,  every  year  should  be  butch- 
ered and  scalped  by  savages,  rather  than  furnish 
to  them  the  protection  guarantied  by  the  Federal 
Constitution.  Sir,  is  this  Government  so  unnatu- 
rally overgrown,  that  it  cannot  maintain  vitality 
in  all  its  parts,  that  it  cannot  perform  the  func- 
tions of  its  office,  that  it  cannot  extend  protection 
to  its  citizens  within  its  own  Territories?  If  it  be 
so,  I  wish  to  be  advised  of  the  fact.  I  wish  the 
people  of  the  Pacific  to  be  advised  of  the  fact.  If 
it  be  that  the  Federal  Government  cannot,  or  will 
not,  protect  them,  I  wish  them  to  be  advised,  so, 
that  they  may  make  proper  provisions  to  protect 
themselves.  But,  sir,  it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to 
discuss  this  feature  of  the  House  bill;  I  acquiesce 
in  the  action  of  the  committee  of  the  Senate,  and 
abandon  the  provision  for  military  protection.  1 
want  the  road,  protection  or  no  protection. 

1  am  not  disposed  to  question  the  proper  dis- 
position of  this  committee;  but  before  the  brief 
time  remaining  tome  expires,  I  wish  here,  in  my 
place,  to  suggest  to  gentlemen  that  this  is  no  mere 
question  of  a  day.  It  is,  and  will  continue  to  be, 
a  present  question  in  this  Hall,  and  throughout 
this  country,  until  the  great  work  is  done.  Its 
accomplishment  may  involve  years  of  effort,  may 
involve  years  of  expectancy;  but  there  will  come 


years  of  fruition,  years  that,  while  they  mark  the 
march  of  this  Republic  to  an  unexampled  great- 
ness, will  also  mark  the  history  and  destiny  both 
of  the  men  and  the  parties  who  have  now  the  con- 
trol of  our  national  legislation. 

There  can  be  no  good  or  just  cause  why  hon- 
orable gentlemen  should  doubt  or  hesitate  about 
giving  their  support  to  this  measure.  It  is  a  meas- 
ure altogether  constitutional.  Jt  is  a  measure  of 
economy.  It  is  a  necessary  measure,  necessary 
to  the  Government,  necessary  to  the  people,  ne- 
cessary in  the  eye  of  the  country,  necessary  in 
the  eye  of  the  world.  Does  any  gentleman  hesi- 
tate because  of  the  magnitude  of  the  undertaking? 
Let  me  say  the  magnitude  of  the  undertaking 
bears  no  relation  to  the  importance  and  magni- 
tude of  its  results.  The  importance  and  magni- 
tude of  its  results,  its  relation  to  the  destiny  of 
our  nation,  and  its  relation  to  the  world's  destiny, 
are  considerations  which,  in  their  vast  extent, 
neither  human  reason  or  imagination  can  fully 
grasp.  We  know  that  it  would  bind  together 
our  people  and  nation  from  east  to  west;  that  it 
would  make  and  maintain  us  as  one  people  and 
one  nation;  that  it  would  secure  to  us  the  com- 
mand of  either  ocean;  that  it  would  give  us  com- 
mercial ascendency  throughout  the  world;  that 
it  would  soon  constitute  us  the  first  in  pros- 
perity and  powe'r  among  the  nations  of  the  earth; 
but  in  addition  to  these,  to  wake  up  the  home  of 
the  ancient  races;  to  wake  up  Asia  from  her  slum- 
ber of  ages;  to  wake  up  the  millions  of  the  hoary 
East  to  the  light,  and  power,  and  progress  of 
"modern  Christian  civilization;  and,  while  awak- 
ening Asia,  to  break  the  bonds  of  Europe;  to 
break  them  not  by  the  power  of  arms,  not  at  the 
cannon's  mouth,  but  through  the  means  and 
appliances  of  peaceful  commerce;  to  accomplish 
results  like  these  is  worth  ambition,  is  worth  not 
merely  any  man's  ambition,  but  is  worth  the 
ambition  of  a  great  nation. 

Since  the  world  was  young,  since  order  was  first 
brought  out  of  chaos,  no  enterprise  has  been  pro- 
jected, certainly  none  has  been  accomplished,  that 
rises  into  a  dignity  at  all  to  be  compared  to  this. 
Its  accomplishment  would  be  an  answer  to  the 
invocation,  and  would  realize  the  prophecy: 

"  Deep  dig  thy  fibres  round  the  ribs  of  earth  ! 
From  sea  to  sea,  from  South  to  icy  North  : 
It  must  ere  lonjr  be  thine,  through  good  or  ill, 
To  stretch  thy  sinewy  boughs.    Go,  wondrous  child  t 
The  glories  of  thy  destiny  lulfill." 

These  are  the  words  not  only  of  a  poet,  but  of 
a  philosopher,  an  English  philosopher,  addressed 
to  this  Republic.  I  say,  sir,  let  us  go  forward, 
and  at  least  endeavor  to  fulfill  our  destiny. 


Printed  at  tb<J  Office  of  the  Congressional  Globe. 


